Our approach, emphasizing analytic features of multiple platforms, yields different conclusions. While ride-hail is the largest employer on labor platforms, it is not representative of many other platforms in terms of the characteristics of its labor force and degree of algorithmic management. 2018 Manriquez 2019 Dubal 2017a), with a smaller group of studies on food delivery (Attwood-Charles 2019a Drahokoupil and Piasna 2019 Ivanova et al. Much of the interview and ethnographic data of in-person platform labor comes from ride-hailing, and Uber in particular (Robinson 2017 Rosenblat 2018 Malin and Chandler 2017 Peticca-Harris et al. A second is the “Uber-centricity” of research. One is a heavy focus on whether sharing platforms are beneficial or exploitative for workers, at the expense of a more analytic approach (Schor and Attwood-Charles 2017). Like precarious work itself (Vallas and Kalleberg 2018) platform labor is under-theorized, due to particularities in the evolution of the literature. While we agree that platform work represents a new type of labor regime, our findings suggest that existing accounts have not recognized important implications of this combination. In contrast, we argue that what is distinctive about the platforms is that the combination of open employment and earners’ authority to self-schedule and organize work with considerable centralized power afforded by the firm’s software. While each of these approaches focuses on an important aspect of platform labor, their emphasis on a single feature is misleading. These examples represent the three main approaches with which scholars have attempted to analyze this new economic form-precarity, efficiency, and algorithmic control. A third position sees platforms as twenty-first century entities that use digital tools, and specifically algorithms, to control and manipulate workers (Rosenblat 2018 Rosenblat and Stark 2016 Lee et al. Economist Arun Sundararajan also foretells an “end to employment” (Sundararajan 2016), but in this view, independent agents are able to self-employ profitably, using technology to gain freedom, autonomy, and livelihood. Management theorist Gerald Davis has predicted widespread “Uberization” in which companies abandon long-term contracts in favor of task-based work, employee-free organizations, and an organizational structure akin to a “web page” rather than the modern corporation (Davis 2016a, b Vallas 2019). 2019) and many observers believe it is a harbinger of what will become the dominant form of labor relation (Huws et al. While the number of platform-based workers is relatively small (1.9 million in 2016), it is growing rapidly (Collins et al. The rapid growth of Uber and analogous platform companies has led to considerable scholarly interest in the phenomenon of platform labor. Our findings suggest the need for a new analytic approach to platforms, which emphasizes labor force diversity, connections to conventional labor markets, and worker dependence. We also find that platforms are hierarchically ordered, in terms of what providers can earn, conditions of work, and their ability to produce satisfied workers. This suggests platforms are free-riding on conventional employers. We find that the extent to which workers are dependent on platform income to pay basic expenses rather than working for supplemental income explains the variation in outcomes, with supplemental earners being more satisfied and higher-earning. We argue that because platform labor is weakly institutionalized, worker satisfaction, autonomy, and earnings vary significantly across and within platforms, suggesting dominant interpretations are insufficient. On the basis of 112 in-depth interviews with workers on seven platforms (Airbnb, TaskRabbit, Turo, Uber, Lyft, Postmates, and Favor) we find heterogeneity of experiences across and within platforms. Both predict that workers will have relatively common experiences. Scholars have taken two main approaches to explaining outcomes for platform work-precarity, which focuses on employment classification and insecure labor, and technological control via algorithms. The Modern Middle East: A History by James L.The rapid growth of Uber and analogous platform companies has led to considerable scholarly interest in the phenomenon of platform labor. And take a close look at the recent lynchings of black men in LA County & the LA Sheriff's quite sus response.įind out more info, get involved and donate: Then we lose a bit of our sanity breaking down the FortheLBC article about LBPD’s past connections with the KKK. Today we discuss what that means for the Left in the US.Īlso International studies expert, Ayalih’s on twitter) explains how the US does this internationally with the War on Terror. US government, through, has recently declared Antifa a terrorist organization. Are you Antifa? What is Antifa? Some say this pod is Antifa.
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